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Voices: Time to Align with the Black Community

By Roshani Chokshi and Saumya Dave Email By Roshani Chokshi and Saumya Dave
July 2020
Voices: Time to Align with the Black Community

Snippets of perspectives from South Asian writers on how, for too long, our communities have taken the stance that the historical treatment of Blacks in America has nothing to do with us, and therefore, is not our fight. Now is the time to change that.

Hope, opportunity, and a better life lured our families to America. Here, we found opportunities that ripened to become better futures than the pasts we left behind. And yet, for all our hope, we are no strangers to pain. Our families left behind motherlands ripped and gutted by colonialism and partition. We know the isolation that comes from spending years establishing roots and yet being considered outsiders. We’ve watched our accents mocked, and our food and dress appropriated as costume. We’ve heard slurs to go back home and at times, when fear is rampant, we have been called terrorists.

Like the Black community, we know what it means to be weighed down by pain that nobody else can see. However, our community has also uniquely enjoyed achievements and privilege, acceptance and success. We have been given opportunities to rise where Black Americans—victims of historical systemic racism—have not.

That’s a privilege we enjoy on the back of the Black community. The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s ushered forth the Hart-Cellar Act of 1965, which sought to eliminate racial discrimination and ended the national-origin quotas that favored immigrants from northern and western Europe. This was the Act that brought so many of us here.

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Our opportunities and our advancements are built upon the result of the Black community’s advocacy. To then treat that same community with silence, indifference, or disgust is insulting the very group whose efforts we have benefitted from. To embrace the Model Minority myth—that hard work in America leads to success—is to turn a blind eye to the systemic racism that has claimed the lives of thousands of Black individuals.

Left: Roshani Chokshi, Right: Saumya Dave​

 

This is not the time to turn a blind eye. vThis is the time to recognize that both our communities are knitted together by a legacy of intergenerational trauma. This is the time to recognize the corrosive downstream effects of being treated unequally. This is the time to do our part to eliminate the bias that holds Black individuals back and stand as allies with Black Lives Matter.

Following are reflections from select South Asian writers on the impact of the Black Lives Matter movement on their own lives.

What bias against black skin wAS like growing up

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I grew up in India, where many adults and even teens couldn’t understand why I played sports in the hot sun (which made my skin “black” and therefore “ugly”). When I immigrated alone to southern VA, where I was the only woman of color in my incoming graduate class, I experienced

overt racism (though far, far less than Blacks) and this led to my forging deep friendships with students of color. Slowly, as my circle of South Asian American acquaintances grew, I realized that many non-academics in the Indian community harbored terrible prejudices, which upset but didn’t shock me, given the horrid biases against black skin that were openly expressed in India when I was as a child.

Padma Venkatraman, award-winning author of highly acclaimed novels such as The Bridge Home, A Time to Dance, and Climbing the Stairs.

 

How we can make changes

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I have seen a lot of performative allyship on social

media recently from the South Asian community, and that has to stop. Amplifying black voices is critical, but my hope is that we will acknowledge our privilege, lend our platforms, and actively participate in the Black Lives Matter movement. This includes signing petitions, donating to bail funds and grass root organizations when possible, supporting protests, and continuing to disrupt and dismantle anti-blackness and colorism in our community.

Nisha Sharma, author of My So-Called Bollywood Life and The Take-over Effect.

 

Flushing out Anti-Black sentiments from our work

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We must take a stand for the Black community because human rights are non-negotiable. Black people in North America have been suffering violence and discrimination for so long, and for South Asians as a community to ignore it is reprehensible. It is long past time that we as a community use our privilege to push for change. As authors, we can do that by boosting Black authors, as well as ensuring that our work does not uphold any of the Anti-Black sentiments that run deep in our culture.

Farah Heron, author of The Chai Factor. Her next release will be The Right Spice, by Forever/Grand Central Books.

 

 

From performative gestures to real action

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I hope that allyship becomes more and more normalized and thoughtful. And that performative content is replaced by real action and uncomfortable conversations–– by doing the hard work.

Swati Teerdhala, author of The Tiger at Midnight series which has appeared on both Barnes and Noble and Book Riot’s Most Anticipated Novels lists.

 

 

It’s our fight too

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There are so many reasons for the desi community to stand up for the inherent rights and dignity of our Black family, but the most important one is that every single person on this planet deserves a safe and welcoming world in which to shine. Having also been marginalized in Western society, we know all too well the harm caused by white supremacy, and we must help shield those even more vulnerable to its long shadow. In that vein, I deeply, deeply hope that my fellow South Asians will work to root out any lingering anti-Black attitudes and then use every opportunity to fight the injustices committed against Black people so that, at long last, we can all truly be free.

Shveta Thakrar, whose debut YA Fantasy Novel, Star Daughter, is due to be out on August 11, 2020.


Roshani Chokshi is the New York Times bestselling author of critically acclaimed books for middle grade and young adult readers that draw on world mythology and folklore. Saumya Dave’s debut novel, Well-Behaved Indian Women, releases July 14th from Berkley/ Penguin Random House.


 

Commentary: The Role of “Vulnerability Theory” in Reassessing Police Powers

An expert perspective on why “All Lives Matter” is an ignorant response to “Black Lives Matter”—especially in the context of law enforcement.

As the raging fire of systemic injustice is made visible around the world, those of us blessed with the capacity to effect change have a duty to amplify the voices of the disenfranchised. We have all heard the message—police brutality is killing innocent people. Now it is time to act.

We need a system that ascribes more—not less—accountability to those in positions of power. Our current system allows a militarized police force to wield far more power over Americans than is conscionable in a “free” country. Meanwhile, police unions renegotiate their contracts every few years to further limit their own accountability.

Research-based policy recommendations to end police brutality include demilitarizing the police force and eliminating the ability of police unions to limit police accountability. Our state and local policies must change to address the power imbalance between police officers and civilians.

Consider the role of “Vulnerability Theory,” which both recognizes and addresses this imbalance between police officers and civilians. According to this theory, all human beings are equally capable of experiencing harm and change, but not everyone has the same capacity to respond to that harm or change. For example, anyone can become ill, but not everyone can afford medicine, hospital care, or time off from work to recover from illness.

Vulnerability Theory requires the state to address differences in our abilities to respond to change. It also provides a tool for reimagining how the law should recognize and respond to lived realities like differences in health, ability, or resources.

Some relationships are structured such that one party has substantially more legal, financial, or cultural authority than the other. These unequal relationships are often necessary in our society. They include the relationships between parents and children, employers and employees, and corporations and individual consumers (e.g. Facebook, Inc. and Facebook users). In each relationship, one party has greater financial power, legal backing, or cultural authority than the other.

When relationships are unequal, the law should place more accountability on the party who has a greater capacity to do harm. The police officer- civilian relationship is inherently unequal because police officers have weapons, power, and authority that the average civilian does not. This inequality creates the need for increased legal responsibility on the part of law enforcement.

United States federal law currently shields police officers from equal legal responsibility towards civilians through the doctrine of “qualified immunity.” Qualified immunity protects government officials, including police officers, from being sued for constitutional violations that occurred in the course of their government work. This doctrine prevents citizens from bringing suits for money damages against police officers who have violated their constitutional rights. It effectively means that citizens cannot seek a legal remedy from police officers who have clearly, often on live video, violated their constitutional rights.

This immunity from certain lawsuits creates a dynamic in which police officers have more power and less responsibility while citizens have less power and more responsibility – the exact opposite of what vulnerability theory calls for.

Once this obvious power imbalance is addressed, there are other remedies to consider. Many of the services provided by the police force could be more effectively performed by mental health professionals and social workers. Demilitarizing the police force would decrease their capacity for harm and allow us to invest in education, housing, and community care.

When basic needs are met, communities can offer support to those in need by solving problems in- stead of funding state-sanctioned murder. Why not address the causes of crime directly? Now is the time to act, when the public eye is focused on the issue of police brutality. We should call our representatives to demand that they fund community care and then call them again to require accountability and responsibility from our police force.

Our success as Indian-Americans is due largely to the hard work of Black liberation struggles and we have a moral imperative to uplift this cause. This historic moment has raised the courage and solidarity of individuals worldwide. Let us use it to effectuate real change.


Mangala Kanayson, Esq., is a program coordinator for the Vulnerability and the Human Condition Project at Emory University School of Law. She can be reached at mangala.kanayson@emory.edu


 

Youth Perspective: South Asians for Black Lives:Role of Second-Gen Indian Americans

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They are all for joining the activism for racial justice, even as their elders fear they may end up stirring the pot for themselves.

“Justice does not exist if it is selective,” Stacey Abrams, the activist-politician said. For most of the Black community in the US, the sheer force of systemic racism is terrifying. The recent killing of George Floyd brought this sharply to light, triggering an unprecedented movement around the world which seeks to end police brutality as well as other forms of discrimination against all colored people.

As a second-generation Indian American youngster, I have been asking myself: what role can we play in this movement? Growing up here, a lot of us have experienced racism in some form or the other—although nothing as severe as what the Black community faces. “We [Indians] don’t experience the same level of racism that black people often have to live with,” said Anjali Iyer, a sophomore at Denmark High School.

We are also conscious of the privilege that comes with the ‘model minority’ tag we enjoy. Most Indians in the country are socially, politically, and financially privileged. Suraj Peramanu, a senior at Chattahoochee High School, said, “Since we are conscious of that [privilege], it is important that we join the movement.” There has always been a moral code in society that the people who have more power, more money, and more influence should use their resources to help those less privileged. Suraj says this applies directly to the second- generation Indians who should stand in solidarity with the black community. Anjali agrees, “They were the first minorities that made it possible for other minorities to be able to migrate to America, so we need to give them the support they need.” Indeed, as a minority, we too face the prospect of discrimination. By standing with the Black population today, we are standing up for all minorities, which also includes us.

By supporting them, we also hold our spot as a model minority. We are also one of the fastest growing minorities in the country and we can help amplify the movement. As minorities we need to stand up for each other.

But I find that there is a difference in opinion between first and second generation Indian-Americans. There are varied perspectives within our community on the recent protests. While my friends from the second-generation are all for supporting the Black community, their parents seem more cautious.

One reason why many first-generation Indian-Americans feel that way is that they were raised not to stir the pot. An Indian adult told me that they were reared like this as kids because their parents wanted them to focus on their own lives and stay out of trouble. Looking at some of the altercations and arrests that have been made at protests and the use of police force, the sense of insecurity and fear is valid.

However, Indian-American youngsters have been supporting the movement wherever they are. According to Suraj, “Most second-generation Indians are using social media to communicate how they feel, and their support for the movement.” On June 2, millions of posts poured to support black equality movement as part of Blackout Tuesday. I saw for myself on Instagram how overpowering that support was. Many posts had links to resources and information about upcoming protests, how to protest, updates, stories, and general information about the movement that was beneficial to all interested.

Finally, for those who are 18 and above, voting is one of the most influential tools that one can use. We have the power to vote out those who fuel racism and elect those who condemn it.

The history of the African American community is fraught with pain. When people question the intense reaction from the black community, they don’t realize that they have been hurt way too many times before.


Abhinav Iyer is a high school honors student at Chattahoochee High School, Johns Creek, GA. Besides a deep engagement with writing poetry and composing/playing music, Abhinav has been an active volunteer with Vibha’s Atlanta chapter, Beta Club, and HOSA (Health Occupation Students of America). He is currently an intern at Khabar.


 

Editorial: Quagmire: Black Lives in the U.S

Slavery is long gone. Legal segregation is behind us. Yet, segregation in our minds, institutions, and communities, as well as bias against the Black community continues to abound. Systemic and structural racism continue to shackle Black lives, while police brutality against them has become epidemic.

The killing of George Floyd, one of the latest casualties of this epidemic, has stirred not only a national, but also a global furor. Now, more than ever, immigrants like us need to align with the Black community—if for nothing other than for their historic struggle for Civil Rights, which paved the way for us to come to the U.S. and fulfill our American Dreams.

Genuine alignment with the Black Lives Matter movement, beyond performative gestures, however, also requires courage to call out the extremism in the movement, which is widening the fault lines between races, and instigating a dangerous animosity between civilians and police.

The Indian-American experience is largely characterized by merit-based upward mobility, success, and prosperity. Most of us have achieved the fabled American Dream, and then some.

But the America we came to—the one with a largely level playing field and its chockful of promises—is not the same America that has been available or accessible to Black Americans, on whose backs, to a large extent, the country, if not the nation, was built.

STILL SHACKLED

For the most part, the Black community has been denied the bounty of this nation thanks to a history and legacy of slavery rooted in white supremacy. This manifests in their contemporary lives in the form of racism, social segregation, and institutional discrimination— impeding just about all spheres of their lives: getting jobs, bank loans, a quality education, and so on. Meanwhile, a noxious prison-industrial complex, fueled by misguided policies and greed, “eats Blacks for breakfast, lunch, and dinner,” as quoted in 13th, the seminal documentary.

To boot, remnants of slavery era atrocities by the white establishment continue in the form of police brutality. Just like mass shootings, Black men being killed by errant or malicious cops has become an American phenomenon that is all too familiar and frequent. Only the audacity of such killings is becoming even more macabre. Words fail me in my attempts to unpack the smorgasbord of deep emotions evoked by the virulent sight of Officer Derek Chauvin, with one hand in his pocket, casually sucking out the life of George Floyd.

Is it any surprise then, that generation after generation of young Black men find themselves in a perpetual cloud of angst and hopelessness?

TIME TO QUESTION OUR OWN RACIAL BIAS

The current uprising against this systemic oppression that has built into a global crescendo is also a pivotal moment for an immigrant community like ours. With subtle undertones of our own racism coming from a long-standing cultural bias against dark skin, it is far too easy for many of us to believe that a level playing field is an universal American value— just as freely available to the Black community as it has been to us. Many of us take pride in the quintessential Indian-American saga defined by the thought, “I came to this country with $20 in my pocket, and have built my American dream with my blood, sweat, and tears.” Which is then followed by a seemingly logical question: “So, why can’t they (Black Americans)?”

This is an outlook that comes from ignorance of the unique historical intersectionality that defines—and constricts—the lives of Black Americans.CENTURIES OF SUBJUGATION AND ATROCITIES ARE NOT EASILY SURMOUNTABLE, ESPECIALLY WHEN A LARGE PART OF THOSE SYSTEMIC SHACKLES CONTINUE TO PERSIST.

EXPANDING OUR KNOWLEDGE AND EMPATHY FOR BLACK LIVES IS THE CALL OF THE TIMES

“The objective reality is that virtually no one who is white understands the challenge of being Black in America,” comes the surprising acknowledg- ment, in 13th, from the conservative mischief-maker Newt Gingrich.

What is true of whites is unfortunately even more so for Indian-Americans, whose ignorance of Black lives is not surprising, considering most of us are aloof from African American history and culture. But we are now at a crossroads where history beckons us to do more than just partake in the bounty of the land that we have come to call “home.” An active solidarity with the Black Lives Matter cause is the call of the times. Here are some ways to get started:

• Acquaint yourself with African American history through books, articles, podcasts, blogs, documentaries, and more. Fortunately, leading outlets have made it easier to engage in this national quest. For example, I have seen pop-up banners pertaining to Black lives and African American history on Netflix, Amazon Prime, and Audible, to name a few.

• FOLLOW BLACK THOUGHT LEADERS LIKE TA-NEHISI COATES, IBRAM X. KENDI, ROBIN DIANGELO, YAMICHE ALCINDOR, ETC. (CAVEAT: MY FOLLOWING OF THEM IS YET RUDIMENTARY; NOR DO I ENDORSE ALL THEIR VIEWS. BUT THE GOAL HERE IS NOT TO SEEK CONFORMITY, BUT RATHER TO BE CHALLENGED AND EXPANDED.)

• Some of the best street-smart insights on matters of race come from comedians and satirists like Richard Pryor, Chris Rock, Dave Chappelle, Trevor Noah, Wanda Sykes, etc. (Be warned most of these comedians are not appropriate for children or family viewing.)

• Step up your political engagement. From local commissioners, judges, and police chiefs to state legislators and representatives all the way to the president, you have a vote in selecting the kind of leaders who will fight against police brutality and racism.

• Participate in petitions and peaceful protests.

• Donate to charities active in improving Black lives and fighting police brutality.

SOLIDARITY NEED NOT MEAN CONFORMITY: CALLING OUT THE GROWING EXTREMISM IN THE BLACK LIVES MOVEMENT

Considering the smoldering battle the Black community is waging with police brutality all over the nation, the first and foremost need is to stand in solidarity with their urgent cause.

But to do so effectively rather than superficially may require calling out the radicalism in the very movement we want to stand behind. There is growing extremism in a faction of the Black Lives activism that threatens to subvert its agenda, alienate supporters, and render it volatile rather than productive. Certainly, the seething anger is more than justified in the face of nonstop atrocities that only seem to have grown worse since Trump took office. But these are precisely the kind of trying times when the movement can fail or sail, depending on whether it is able to channelize the raw anger of the masses to its constructive agenda, or whether it succumbs to reactionary impulses.

Following are some of the extreme stances that characterize the radical wing of the movement:

 • SOME OF THE VALUABLE GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF BLM, SUCH AS DIVERSITY, EMPATHY, AND LOVING ENGAGEMENT ARE DROWNED OUT BY THE EXTREMISTS WHO INCREASINGLY CLAIM THE VOICE OF THE MOVEMENT DUE TO THEIR HOGGING OF THE MEDIA AND THE STREETS. WHAT THE AMERICAN PUBLIC SEES AT LARGE IS THAT THE ONLY NARRATIVE THAT THESE EXTREMISTS PROPAGATE IS THE ONE ABOUT THE SYSTEMIC AND STRUCTURAL RACISM THAT PLAGUES THE BLACK COMMUNITY. WHILE THIS IS TRUE AND NEEDS HIGHLIGHTING, THERE IS NO ALLOWANCE FOR ANY COMPETING NARRATIVES OF BLACK RESPONSIBILITY, AGENCY, OR TRIUMPH.

• Any criticism of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement is seen as sacrilegious, and all critics, regardless of background or intent, are labeled as privileged or racist.

• They make the police singularly and wholly responsible for the dangerous fissures festering throughout the nation between Black Americans and the police.

• When the police stereotype the Black community, they cry foul; yet they turn around and do exactly that: denounce the entire police force of America as one corrupt and racist monolithic entity—making close to three-quarters of a million individual police officers, each with their own unique background, values, political beliefs, and motivations nothing more than stock characters in their narrative.

• They hold police to impeccable standards, while vehemently denying any discussion of civilian behavior that causes escalation.

• Looting and rioting are rationalized and justified.

• Their views, positions, and means are often polarizing.

• They allow for no nuance, discussion, debate, or opposing viewpoints.

In his essay in the New York magazine, titled, “Is There Still Room for Debate?” the moderate conservative, Andrew Sullivan, writes that the new orthodoxy of the left subscribes to a foundational belief that America is systemically racist, and a white-supremacist project from the start. But, he argues, “No country can be so reduced to one single prism and damned because of it. American society has far more complexity, and history has far more contingency than can be jammed into this rubric. No racial group is homogeneous, and every individual has agency. No one is entirely a victim or entirely privileged.”

Speaking of the intolerance of the radical left, S Prasannarajan, editor of Open magazine, writes, “Any intellectual position that abhors a questioning mind is pretense, a falsity. It is a wall built by moral cowardice to protect the illusion of consensus. As [these radicals] become proof-readers of arguments in media and academia, every word, written or uttered, has to pass the righteousness test. The failed ones are buried alive, and they are seldom mourned. The silence of the tribe is frightening.”

In my close to 35 years in this country, my lived experiences and keen observations—culled from working in retail, in sales, and then editing a magazine for a minority community—leave me at a loss in empathizing with the extreme emphasis that BLM places in defining the American experience as singularly and thoroughly racist, and nothing more. Yes, racism is real and debilitating; and yes, it is far more devastating for Black Americans than it is to other minorities. And yet, it is an extremist position to say that racism in America is omnipresent and insurmountable, and that Black community has no agency whatsoever in the matter. Such a reductionist perspective shifts the entire blame—and therefore also the power to affect change—only in the hands of whites, while reducing Black Americans to hapless automatons.

But American life outside of the optics of high profile incidents, no matter how frequent or disturbing, is better described, again, by Sullivan in his above-referenced article: “A country that actively seeks immigrants who are now 82 percent nonwhite is not primarily defined by white supremacy. Nor is a country that has seen the historic growth of a black middle and upper class, increasing gains for black women in education and the workplace, a revered two- term black president, a thriving black intelligentsia, successful black mayors and governors and members of Congress, and popular and high culture strongly defined by the African American experience.”

Such a world of incremental gains is not what the radicals of Black activism are willing to concede. In their world, any gain towards an egalitarian society is rarely acknowledged. To them every white person, or anyone for that matter, is either a supremacist or an enabler—if they don’t say or do exactly as per their manifesto. Perhaps this is a knee jerk reaction to the fact that we have a thoroughly racist president at the helm who has been stoking racism since he took office, making it rampant.

“DEFUND THE POLICE”: SOME EXCELLENT PROPOSALS DONE IN BY AN ILL-CONCEIVED SLOGAN

There is mounting consensus amongst insiders and experts that policing in America is broken beyond repair; that corruption, racism, and oppression are now institutionalized. According to them, the combination of various cultural and systemic factors—such as toxic masculinity, racism, and qualified immunity, which provides police officers legal protection from accountability; and the “blue wall of silence,” an informal but sacrosanct code that makes it all but impossible for good cops to call out the bad ones—have collided to make policing a failed enterprise across the board.

“Defund the police” may therefore seem like the right response to such a hopeless situation. Indeed, there are worthy objectives proposed under this broad banner: invest in communities through social services such as education, housing, and mental health, and relieve police officers from being first responders in situations that can be better handled by other professionals.

BUT IN THEIR ZEAL TO REBOOT THE POLICING SYSTEM OF THE NATION, THE RADICAL PROPONENTS OF “DEFUND THE POLICE” FAIL TO CONSIDER THAT ANYTHING THAT REPLACES IT WILL EVENTUALLY HAVE TO RESEMBLE POLICE AS WE KNOW IT NOW: THEY WILL HAVE TO BE ARMED AND WOULD NEED LEGAL AUTHORITY TO EXERT POWER—IF THEY ARE TO SUCCESSFULLY MAINTAIN LAW AND ORDER IN A CRIME RIDDEN COUNTRY WITH CLOSE TO 400 MILLION FIREARMS IN THE HANDS OF CIVILIANS.

While mounting evidence demonstrates that the pressing ills of policing are systemic and widespread, the hardline position that the entire law enforcement of the nation is incorrigible, and therefore must be abolished and replaced is questionable. The resulting extremist slogan of “Defund the police” only manages to vilify the entire law enforcement in one broad stroke while creating a dangerous dynamic of “civilians versus police.” We already saw the results of this in the recent mass walk outs and resignations by police in more than a couple places. Reasonable people do not want to wage war with police as a whole; they want reforms to root out racism and brutality, and police with better training and more accountability.

“Defund the police,” is therefore an initiative with some excellent ideas about how to create systemic change that gets lost in the extreme language of its slogan, as it conjures up fear in the minds of most reasonable people. It is one of those incendiary sound bites that can lend towards handing Trump a second term.

NARRATIVES OF EMPOWERMENT INSTEAD OF VICTIMHOOD

For far too long, right wing pundits have stood in judgement of Black Americans, citing the ills that plague the community: drugs, crime, breakdown of families, etc. I am well aware of the inflammatory dynamics of blaming the victim. When it is done from outside, it is ugly for both, the accuser and the accused.

But when inspired from an internal renaissance, few things in the human enterprise compare to the beatitude of personal growth and self-transformation—despite all odds. Perhaps taking inspiration from greats like Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela, the Black lives movement may want to strongly emphasize its original goals of responsibility, transformation, and empowerment, rather than the current radical means of agitation, victimhood, and blame. “Prepare the child for the road, not the road for the child,” goes the axiom. No doubt, Black Americans have been victimized for centuries! But there is a difference between fighting against it versus capitulating to it.

None of this is at odds with the important work of fighting police brutality and the larger issue of systemic oppression. Extremists may discount such "soft" approaches as Pollyanna. But what is actually Pollyanna is to fantasize that just by pressing the reboot button on the entire police system of the nation we will be able to replace it with a model which will have everyone sing Kumbaya.

In fact, precisely because there is widespread oppression against Black community, that is more the reason to engage in the renaissance of personal growth, responsibility, transformation, and empowerment. Success, as they say, is the best revenge.


Parthiv N. Parekh is the editor-in-chief of Khabar magazine. He can be reached at editor@khabar.com. General comments and letters can be sent to letters@khabar.com



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